Europe takes the first step. The right step.

Swift. Substantial. Strategic.

On Monday, a small group of European leaders convened in Paris to address the rapidly growing rupture in the transatlantic alliance, as the Trump-Musk administration in the United States pivoted decisively in favor of Russian dictator Vladimir Putin.

I wasn’t pleased. To me, there was a glaring gap in this newly emerging alliance. As soon as the Monday meeting in Paris concluded, I published a set of recommendations along with my reasoning.

Macron brought together Germany, Italy, Spain, Poland, Denmark, and the United Kingdom. Notably absent were Hungary’s Orbán and Slovakia’s Fico—the two Putinists inside the EU. Keeping the group small allows Europe to move faster and make sharper decisions.

But I do have one issue: they need to include the Baltic nations and Finland in their next meeting. Any decision to aid Ukraine must involve the United Kingdom, Germany, Italy, Spain, Poland, Denmark, Finland, Norway, Sweden, Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania. Not only to help Ukraine in this critical hour but also to build a lasting structure to deter Putin in the future. The strategy should unite the bloc’s most powerful players with the countries that share a border with Russia. Together, they can defeat him.

Some might say this is setting the stage for the EU to break apart. That’s the wrong assumption. Europe must adapt to the realities it faces. The Putin-aligned actors inside the EU exist to block consensus—that’s their role. So there’s no point waiting for unity when action is needed. The only way forward is to form a smaller coalition within the EU—one made up of nations with the financial resources and those directly exposed to Russian threats. A mini-EU alliance that can push ahead without the dead weight.

Europe delivered far more than I had asked for—aligning closely with what some of my readers had recommended. Maybe they’re keeping an eye on our comments section.

Less than 48 hours after Monday’s meeting, European leaders convened again—this time via video conference. Nineteen Western countries took part, but there were some notable absences. Some weren’t invited at all.

As of the latest available data, the combined Gross Domestic Product (GDP) of the 19 countries that met on February 19, 2025, stands at approximately $30.5 trillion USD—coincidentally, very close to where President Biden left the United States. God knows the extent of the damage the Musk-Trump presidency has already inflicted on the American economy. Their impact on consumer sentiment will be profound, and it’s reasonable to expect that the U.S. economy will shrink until the political landscape is recalibrated.

French President Emmanuel Macron hosted Wednesday’s meeting, stating that “the new grouping sought Ukrainian involvement in the talks and insisted on the need for security guarantees for Kyiv.”

Some argue that Turkey should be included in these discussions, but I see it differently. They must be involved eventually, but Erdoğan’s tendency to play both sides as it suits him cannot be ignored. For now, Europe must first solidify the alliance—determine who is fully committed and who is wavering on the edges. There will always be some. At this stage, dragging dead weight would only weaken the effort.

That said, I’m extremely pleased to see the group expanding—and expanding in the right way. The key now is to set clear boundaries, establish the framework, and define commitments. Throughout this process, Macron can keep Ankara informed. When the time is right, Turkey can be brought in, its position assessed, and its input integrated into the final strategy.

The post-World War II transatlantic alliance is over. Donald Trump and Elon Musk have aligned themselves with Russia’s dictator. Musk seeks to recreate the Russian oligarchic model; Trump wants to consolidate power and become America’s autocrat—just like Putin. For all three, democracy is the enemy.

If Ukraine wins its war against Russia decisively, it will inject fresh momentum into democratic movements worldwide—a direct blow to the ambitions of global oligarchs. Ukraine’s victory would also strengthen Europe, shifting the balance of power. This is precisely why right-wing billionaires in the United States view Ukraine’s success as an ideological defeat. They don’t just want Kyiv to struggle; they want Ukraine to lose.

At first, it seemed this defeat would come in the form of Russia keeping its occupied territories. But the American oligarchs went even further: they attempted to blackmail Zelensky, demanding Ukraine’s natural resources in exchange for support—turning the country into a vassal state. Under this scheme, Russia would seize part of Ukraine’s land while the U.S. elite would control its economy. Either way, Ukraine would be reduced to a rump state, exactly as Putin has always wanted. With Kyiv subdued, Russia would have free rein to rebuild its economy, rearm, and redirect its war machine elsewhere.

Trump will play his part by lifting sanctions on Russia, pressuring Europe to return frozen Russian assets, and using tariff threats to strong-arm European nations into buying Russian commodities. Over the next two years, Europe will be buried under an avalanche of problems. The corrosion of the EU’s foundations won’t happen overnight—it will start with small cracks and gradually gain momentum.

Zelensky made the right call by tossing the so-called "resource agreement" into the trash. Europe, in turn, has responded wisely by forming a mini-alliance of like-minded nations. For now, this group is still taking shape—don’t expect major developments before the end of February. The German elections must conclude first. Germany’s chancellor needs to be fully on board. Once he commits, France, Germany, and the UK can drive this alliance forward.

In just 48 hours, Europe has identified the right coalition to counter the three bullies, defend Ukraine, and protect the global order. This is enough—for now. We’re moving in the right direction.

One step at a time.